cam.restriction | thesis_access_open | Burchell, Brendan | false | false | Soffia, Magdalena | 2018-11-12T14:25:28Z | 2018-11-12T14:25:28Z | 2018-11-24 | 2018-04-26 | 2018-11-12T09:53:27Z | In Latin America, the debate on what constitutes a ‘good’ or ‘bad’ job has been dominated by the phenomenon of informality. Indicators like the ‘informal sector size’ or the proportion of workers in ‘informal employment’ give little attention to the intrinsic features of jobs that affect workers’ well-being, thus misleading policy efforts. Validation of alternative and comparable human-centred measures of job quality (JQ) is needed. This study aims to evaluate the validity of a multi-dimensional measure of JQ in developing countries, and its usefulness against narrow indicators of formality/informality. To this end, Sen’s capability-approach is used along with Green and Mostafa’s operationalisation of JQ (Eurofound, 2012), which considers dimensions as varied as earnings, career prospects, autonomy, intensity, social environment, physical environment, and working time. With Central America as the research setting, I address four questions: (1) does Eurofound’s indicator capture JQ inequalities at the individual level? (2) Can we draw meaningful comparisons between countries about their ability to provide good jobs? (3) Are the selected features of what constitutes a good job positively associated with Central American workers’ well-being? (4) Is the concept of JQ attuned with what local experts conceive as a ‘good job’? The research uses a mixed-methods approach to analyse the First Central American Survey on Working Conditions and Health – conducted in 2011 in Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala – in addition to semi-structured interviews with selected informants from these six countries. The results obtained show, firstly, a reasonable distribution of JQ across groups of workers. They confirm that formal jobs are not ubiquitously the best quality jobs. Secondly, the results evidenced significant variation at the country level regarding earnings and intrinsic job quality, with Costa Rica often ranking at the top. Interestingly, JQ rankings do not always follow from countries’ industrial structure, economic performance, informal sector size, or other developmental indicators of common usage; country differences in JQ appear associated with the practical enforcement capacity of labour institutions like trade unions, inspection systems, and the state itself. Thirdly, I corroborated that the selected job features have a positive impact on Central American workers’ well-being (except, puzzlingly, for work-time related aspects). Moreover, the positive health effect associated with performing in an intrinsically good job proved to be greater than the effect of working formally. Lastly, I confirmed that local perspectives about what constitutes a ‘good job’ are in great part consistent with the features included in Green and Mostafa’s JQ scheme, while other intrinsic dimensions of the framework have struggled to enter the public discourse. These findings indicate that a JQ framework is generally valid in the Central American context, and provides more information than a conventional indicator of informality. The study contributes to extend the capability approach to the realm of work and to stress its potential for international comparative research. It is recommended that countries collect richer data about those aspects of jobs that have been proven to affect workers’ well-being significantly and are not revealed in unidimensional informality figures. | 10.17863/CAM.32296 | https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/284925 | en | Darwin | Sociology | University of Cambridge | All rights reserved |
dc.rights | All Rights Reserved | en | https://www.rioxx.net/licenses/all-rights-reserved/ | en | job quality |
dc.subject | capabilities approach | |
dc.subject | central america | |
dc.subject | survey methods | Scope and limitations of a capability-based measure of Job Quality in Central America | Thesis | Doctoral | Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) | PhD in Sociology |
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Factors contributing to viewing automobile commuting as a factors contributing to viewing automobile commuting as a waste of time waste of time, sharing fairly mobility, citizenship, and gender relations in two swedish city-regions, measuring young graduates’ job quality through a composite indicator, gender differences in job flexibility: commutes and working hours after job loss, activity patterns and well-being in commuters: an occupational perspective, the association of commuting time and wages for american workers with disabilities, 75 references, women’s employment and commuting: explaining the links, gender differences in work-trip length: explanations and implications, "it's driving her mad": gender differences in the effects of commuting on psychological health., distance and labor force participation : implications for urban and rural women, an empirical analysis of the commute to work patterns of males and females in two-earner households, trends in women's career patterns and in gender occupational mobility in britain, the influence of household type on gender differences in work trip distance, the journey to work and gender inequality in earnings: a cross-validation study for the united states, gender, race, and the determinants of commuting: new york in 1990, travel to work and household responsibility: new evidence, related papers.
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Maria Floro
Kirsten Sehnbruch
This paper proposes a methodology for measuring the Quality of Employment (QoE) from a multidimensional perspective in six Central American countries (Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama) using a dataset specifically designed to measure employment conditions. Building on previous work on multidimensional poverty and employment indicators, the paper uses the Alkire/Foster (AF) method to construct a synthetic indicator of the QoE at an individual level. It selects four dimensions that must be considered as essential to the QoE: income, job stability, job security and employment conditions. These dimensions then subdivide into several indicators, a threshold for each indicator and dimension is established before defining an overall cut-off line that allows for the calculation of composite levels of deprivation. The results generated by this indicator show that Central American countries can be divided into three distinct and robust performance groups in ...
Social Indicators Research
This paper proposes a methodology for measuring Quality of Employment (QoE) deprivation from a multidimensional perspective in six Central American countries (Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama) using a dataset specifically designed to measure employment conditions. Building on previous work on multidimensional poverty and employment indicators, the paper uses the Alkire/Foster (AF) method to construct a synthetic indicator of the QoE at an individual level. It selects four dimensions that must be considered as essential to QoE deprivation: income, job stability, job security and employment conditions. These dimensions then subdivide into several indicators, a threshold for each indicator and dimension is established before defining an overall cut-off line that allows for the calculation of composite levels of deprivation. The results generated by this indicator show that Central American countries can be divided into three distinct and robust perfor...
Sabina Dewan
María López-Ruiz
Background Informal employment is assumed to be an important but seldom studied social determinant of health, affecting a large number of workers around the world. Although informal employment arrangements constitute a permanent, structural pillar of many labor markets in low- and middle-income countries, studies about its relationship with health status are still scarce. In Central America more than 60% of non-agricultural workers have informal employment. Therefore, we aimed to assess differences in self-perceived and mental health status of Central Americans with different patterns of informal and formal employment. Methods Employment profiles were created by combining employment relations (employees, self-employed, employers), social security coverage (yes/no) and type of contract -only for employees- (written, oral, none), in a cross-sectional study of 8,823 non-agricultural workers based on the I Central American Survey of Working Conditions and Health of 2011. Using logistic regression models, adjusted odds ratios (aOR) by country, age and occupation, of poor self-perceived and mental health were calculated by sex. Different models were first fitted separately for the three dimensions of employment conditions, then for employment profiles as independent variables. Results Poor self-perceived health was reported by 34% of women and 27% of men, and 30% of women and 26% of men reported poor mental health. Lack of social security coverage was associated with poor self-perceived health (women, aOR: 1.38, 95%CI: 1.13-1.67; men, aOR: 1.36, 95%CI: 1.13-1.63). Almost all employment profiles with no social security coverage were significantly associated with poor self-perceived and poor mental health in both sexes. Conclusions Our results show that informal employment is a significant factor in social health inequalities among Central American workers, which could be diminished by policies aimed at increasing social security coverage.
This article examines how Latin American development theory has analysed labour markets in the region during the 1950s and following the 1980s debt crises before going on to examine empirical evidence from recent decades, which illustrates the extent to which these theories have played out in practice. Two themes are recurrent in this review of the literature on employment problems in Latin America. First, the region is seen as beset by all manners of labour abundance, which manifests itself not so much as open unemployment, but as large proportions of informal and marginally productive workers. Second, the literature has traditionally understood the quality of employment as meaning productive employment. The development challenge that the region faced was therefore seen as transforming marginally productive workers into fully productive ones. Not surprisingly, industrialization was initially seen as being key to resolving this challenge.
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Omsk , officially the Siberian Black League , is a warlord state in Western Siberia. Occupying the territory of the former Omsk Oblast, it borders Tomsk to the north, the Kazakh SSR to the south, Tyumen to the east, and Novosibirsk to the west.
Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union , the city of Omsk, initially held by the West Siberian People's Republic , was seized by a league of ultranationalists sharing views of anti-German sentiment and revanchism. Led by Dmitry Karbyshev 's All-Russian Black League, upon the seizing of Omsk, the ultranationalist regime had to industrialize and fortify it. In a way, some could say it's nothing but a fortified city in which the Black League militarizes and prepares for its future conflicts.
The political system of Omsk is governed as a militarist one-party state since its founding, ruled by Karbyshev and his like-minded comrades of the All-Russian Black League, an organization fanatically devoted to revanchism against the Greater Germanic Reich . However, at heart, Karbyshev is a Russian and while he sought to create an ultranationalist military state to take revenge against Germany, he did not account for the despots that wished to claim as much power as possible from him. Karbyshev is represented in-game as a dying man soon to fall, due to him leading a brutal military dictatorship, while being opposed to the radical rhetoric of his officer clique. The Black League has since become an ultranationalist state, even more radical in their hatred of Germany. Due to Karbyshev's declining health, many of the other officers have gained massive influence in the leadership of Omsk. The reality is that Karbyshev started a movement that assumed it was able to change the hearts of the despots with nationalism rather than terror; but it has since been corrupted beyond his visions, and there is little he can do to stop the train of degeneracy. Indeed, once Karbyshev dies and Omsk is still around, actual ultranationalist and General Dmitry Yazov will assume leadership of the Black League and prevent the despotic cliques from growing.
Under the sheer doctrine of anti-German sentiment, the theory of the “Great Trial” in Omsk comes in. This is where the warlord state will prepare for its final assault on the Reich, as revenge for the “First Trial” which brought the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the “Second Trial” being the West Russian War . Their hatred doesn't stop with just Germany, but it includes many who collaborated with them. Some officers of the Black League even go as far as to want to destroy the United States for not helping enough during the Great Patriotic War. In preparation for their war with Germany, they are expectant of nuclear strikes and so have started to construct massive metro tunnels to double as shelter from the warheads and radioactive fallout. The resolve of the Black League cannot be stopped, even with the threat of nuclear war.
Omsk is one of the hardest paths in TNO, due to it being weaker than a lot of the surrounding warlords and being unable to conduct diplomacy at all. To reunite Russia, Omsk will have to fight every single state in its way. Their end goal is the complete extermination of the Reich and the German people, and they will stop at nothing to reach this. They are hard-coded for hostility and are always at war with someone, but an AI Omsk will almost always never be successful. Despite being founded on nothing but hatred, when they unify Western Siberia and start to emerge on the international stage, they actually try to conceal their ideology and ambitions from foreign influences. They stick with a nondescript name of the “West Siberian Provisional Authority” under the guise of a protective military authority and switch their ideology to “Despotism”.
During the Last Trial, each of us saw and faced Hell on Earth. The Nazis razed our cities, slaughtered our families, and shattered the Union we worked so hard to build. And as the world unraveled around us, we resolved to never again allow the Teuton to despoil our homes. Never again would we tremble in fear as the jackboot trampled on our soil. Whatever the cost, whatever the sacrifice, the day of the will come. On that day, they will feel our terrible vengeance. | |
Our backs are pressed against the wall, our supplies run low, and yet morale is as high as ever. Each and every son and daughter of the Black League know their mission and know they have nothing to lose, for the Last Trial already robbed them of everything. This simple truth has transformed the League from a band of disgruntled veterans to an army with discipline unparalleled in the Russian wastes. We will survive our current, dire circumstances, we will rebuild what was lost, and when the comes, we will repay our enemies for every life lost. | |
It is a sad fact that the founder of the Black League, General Karbyshev, is not as young as he once was. As he has aged, though his mind is as sharp as ever, his body has become frail and weak. The people weep to know that he is not long for this world; and yet not all is lost. The loyal sons and daughters of the Black League's officer corps are glad to receive and deliver General Karbyshev's orders, and even to reinterpret them when the General's mind has slipped. |
Cabinet member | Role | Ideology | Trait(s) and effects |
---|---|---|---|
Head of government | Political Protege Political Power Gain: | ||
Viktor Abakumov | Foreign minister | Iron-Fisted Brute | |
Alexander Kharkhardin | Economy minister | Corrupt Kleptocrat | |
Konstantin Valukhin | Security minister | Prince of Terror Political Power Gain: |
After Dmitry Yazov comes to power and purges the Black League's old guard, the cabinet changes to:
Cabinet member | Role | Ideology | Trait(s) and effects |
---|---|---|---|
Head of government | Devoted Follower Political Power Gain: Stability: | ||
Foreign minister | The Cloak-n-Dagger Schemer: | ||
Evgeny Pitovranov | Economy minister | Military Entrepreneur: Infrastructure Construction Speed: | |
Security minister | Template:Spymaster |
Omsk has at least eleven generals.
• Nations as of January 1st, 1962 | |
Americas | • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • |
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Europe | • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • |
Africa | • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • |
Middle East | • • • • • • • • |
Central Asia | • • • • • • • |
Siberia | • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • |
East Asia | • • • • • • • |
South Asia | • • • • |
Southeast Asia & Oceania | • • • • • • • • • |
Antarctica | • • • • • |
Омская область | |
Anthem: Anthem of Omsk Oblast | |
Coordinates: 73°16′E / 56.217°N 73.267°E / 56.217; 73.267 | |
Country | |
Administrative center | |
Government | |
• Body | |
• | (acting) |
Area | |
• Total | 141,140 km (54,490 sq mi) |
• Rank | |
Population ( ) | |
• Total | 1,858,798 |
• Estimate | 1,960,081 |
• Rank | |
• Density | 13/km (34/sq mi) |
• | 73.5% |
• | 26.5% |
( ) | |
RU-OMS | |
55 | |
ID | 52000000 |
Official languages | |
Website |
Omsk Oblast ( Russian : О́мская о́бласть , romanized : Omskaya oblast' ) is a federal subject of Russia (an oblast ), located in southwestern Siberia . The oblast has an area of 139,700 square kilometers (53,900 sq mi) . Its population is 1,977,665 ( 2010 Census ) [10] with the majority, 1.12 million, living in Omsk , the administrative center .
Exploration of siberia, russian empire, soviet years, post-soviet era, administrative divisions, demographics, notable people, sister relationships.
The oblast borders Tyumen Oblast in the north and west, Novosibirsk Oblast and Tomsk Oblast in the east, and Kazakhstan in the south.
Omsk Oblast shares borders with Kazakhstan ( North Kazakhstan Region and Pavlodar Region ) to the south, Tyumen Oblast in the west and Novosibirsk Oblast and Tomsk Oblast in the east. It is included in the Siberian Federal District .
The territory stretches for 600 km (370 mi) from north to south and 300 km (190 mi) from west to east. The main water artery is the Irtysh River and its tributaries the Ishim , Om , Osha , and Tara Rivers. The region is located in the West Siberian Plain , consisting of mostly flat terrain. In the south is the Ishim Plain , gradually turning into steppe, forest and swampy taiga to the north. The soil is sandy and silty. [11] Along the Irtysh River, in t. N. Irtysh region, there is an "oasis" microclimate, with a wooded landscape and gullies. There, the most fertile land in the region can be found. The Omsk region contains many lakes, the largest of which are Tenis -Saltaim, Ik, Ebeyty , Ulzhay and Tobol-Kushly.
The highest elevation in the Omsk region - about 150 m (490 ft) Upland village, the lowest elevation is the water's edge on the Irtysh - 41 metres (135 ft) , near the village of Little Beach. [ clarification needed ]
The property is located in Omsk region 28 specially protected natural territories of regional destinations. Including parks in Bolshereche and Omsk ("Bird's harbor"). [ clarification needed ]
The oblast has a classic continental climate, with cold, snowy winters and hot, dry summers. Average January temperatures range from −42 to −30 °C (−44 to −22 °F) . Average July temperatures range from 25 to 28 °C (77 to 82 °F) and can reach up to 35 °C (95 °F) and even 40 °C (104 °F) . Annual rainfall averages 300–400 mm (12–16 in) . Sunny days predominate.
The southern plains have notably longer and warmer summers and a delayed onset of freezing temperatures. They are also significantly drier than the northern forests, receiving only 250–300 mm (9.8–11.8 in) precipitation annually. Winters, however, are as severe on the plains as they are further north. Spring rains are rare, but late spring freezes are not. The early part of the summer is frequently dominated by hot, dry southern winds.
As of 1 February 2016 , [ update ] on the territory of the Omsk region, there are 35 areas that have the status of protected areas (PAs), regional and local importance.
Archeological findings indicate that the present day territory of the oblast has been inhabited for the last 14,000 years. Neolithic societies in the area lived by fishing and hunting. About three thousand years ago, pastoralism began to take hold. Ust'-Ishim man , the remains of a man that lived 45,000 years ago, was discovered in Omsk Oblast.
Various Turkic states dominated the area throughout the Medieval era. The most notable of these were the Western Turkic Khaganate and the Siberian Khanate . Siberian Tatars , Mongols , Khanty and Mansi tribes, along with others, inhabited the territory.
The Russian history of Omsk began with the 1584 arrival of a Cossack force under the command of ataman Yermak Timofeyevich , who defeated local rulers and established nominal Russian control of the area. To support further expansion tsars Feodor I and Boris Godunov initiated the construction of fortified settlements and military outposts in the south of Siberia in order to defend their subjects from raiding nomadic tribesmen and to exert authority over local populations, specifically over the tribute-paying Siberian Tatars of The Baraba Lands. The first permanent Russian settlement in the region, the city of Tara , was founded in 1594, soon it began to play an important part in fur trade that connected Russia with Central Asia and China.
In 1716 a fortress was constructed at the confluence of the Om and Irtysh rivers on the orders of sublieutenant Ivan Bugholtz. The fortress would form the nucleus for the development of the future city of Omsk. By the second half of the 18th century, Omsk fortress was the largest building of any kind in the eastern part of Russia.
As Russian settlements continued to spread through the Yenisei , Tobol and Irtysh watersheds in the course of the 18th century, so did the development of the Omsk and the surrounding region. In 1753 a customs post was established to tax goods brought into the city by the ever-increasing trade with Kazakh tribesmen. In 1764, when the Siberian provinces of Russia were organized into two governorates with centers in Irkutsk and Tobolsk , the city of Tara and the fortress of Omsk were assigned to the latter. In 1780, on the orders of Catherine the Great the fortress was transferred to Kolyvan Oblast . By this time Omsk had grown to the size of a small city, however, from 1797 to 1804 it did not possess its own uyezd .
In 1804, the territories surrounding Omsk were organized into the Omsk Okrug . The city rose to prominence when Siberia was once again reorganized in 1822, Omsk became the administrative center of the General Governorate of Eastern Siberia rising above the old center of Siberia, Tobolsk. The new governorate was divided into oblasts around the cities of Omsk, Petropavlovsk, Semipalatinsk and Ust-Kamenogrsk populated by Russian colonists and okrugs populated by Kazakh nomads. In subsequent reforms the name of the Oblast was changed repeatedly to The Oblast of The Siberian Kyrgyz (1854), Akmolinsk Oblast (1868), and Omsk Oblast (1917) before finally reverting to the Omsk Governorate in 1918. The authority of the oblast followed further expansion of the empire to Central Asia and included significant parts of modern-day Kazakhstan .
In the 19th century, Omsk, given its strong system of frontier fortresses, became notorious as a premier destination for political exiles and prisoners from the European part of the Russian Empire. Decembrists , Polish rebels , French prisoners of war and political activists of every stripe found their way to Siberia. Among them was Fyodor Dostoyevsky , who spent four years (1850–1854) at the Omsk prison. [12]
The early nineteenth century also saw the growth of industry in the city and in the rest of the Irtysh basin. The Siberian Cossack Army was headquartered in Omsk after 1808 and contributed to the development of the city, by the beginning of the 20th century the Cossacks were a dominant component in the society of both the city of Omsk and the surrounding lands, having reached a population of 174 thousand and holding title to five million hectares of agricultural land. The 18th and 19th centuries also saw the influx of a significant number of German immigrants both from Russia's Volga Regions and from abroad.
In 1925 the Omsk governorate was dissolved into the newly formed Siberian Krai and again reorganized, this time as an Oblast by order of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on 7 December 1934. Parts of the Ob-Irtysh Oblast and the West Siberian Krai as well as the southern part of Chelyabinsk Oblast were given over to Omsk. In 1943, Kurgan Oblast created from the western portion of the Chelyabinsk Oblast also got a number of Omsk territories. In 1944, the northern part of the Omsk Oblast along with the districts previously transferred to Kurgan became newly established Tyumen Oblast that included Khanty-Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets autonomous okrugs.
The 1950s saw the creation of the petroleum processing industry, as well as the development of various high-technology facilities that came to define the economy of the Oblast for the remainder of the century.
With the dissolution of the Soviet Union the oblast became part of the newly independent Russian Federation. The independence of Kazakhstan gave Omsk an international border to the south, while continued federal policy aiming to rectify the effects of Stalin era population transfers led to the creation of a national German district in an area with a significant, although not a majority, German population around the town of Azovo . On 19 May 1996 Omsk Oblast signed a power-sharing agreement with the federal government, granting it autonomy. [13] This agreement would be abolished on 21 December 2001. [14]
During the Soviet period, the high authority in the oblast was shared between three persons: The first secretary of the Omsk CPSU Committee (who in reality had the biggest authority), the chairman of the oblast Soviet (legislative power), and the Chairman of the oblast Executive Committee (executive power). Since 1991, CPSU lost all the power, and the head of the Oblast administration, and eventually the governor was appointed/elected alongside elected regional parliament .
The politics in the oblast is governed by the Charter of Omsk Oblast. The laws within the authority of the oblast are passed by the Legislative Assembly of Omsk Oblast which is the legislative (representative) body. The highest executive body is the Omsk Oblast Administration. It also includes the executive bodies of the subdivisions such as districts, and is responsible for the daily administration. The Oblast administration supports the activities of the Governor who is the head of the oblast and acts as guarantor of the observance of the Charter in accordance with the Constitution of Russia .
As of 18 January 2019, the departmental register of registered non-profit organizations of the Office of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation for the Omsk Oblast contains information on 2537 non-profit organizations, including 1332 public associations (national associations - 60, regional branches of political parties - 46, trade unions - 328, children's and youth public associations - 55), 308 religious organizations, 30 Cossack societies, and 20 public associations of Cossacks. For example, in the Omsk Oblast there are regional branches of the political parties United Russia , A Just Russia , the Communist Party of the Russian Federation , and others. [15]
As of 2008 , [ update ] Omsk Oblast is the 23rd largest economy in Russia, with a gross regional product of 10.2 billion dollars.
The economy of Omsk Oblast is heavily industrial, with well developed, and growing, service and financial sectors. Agriculture represents a smaller, but still significant, portion of the economy.
Economic activity is concentrated in Omsk, with over sixty-six thousand private enterprises registered, ranging from small-scale retailers to billion-dollar manufacturing. [16]
Omsk was ranked by Forbes as the 6th-best city in Russia for business in 2008, an improvement over its 20th-place ranking the previous year. [17]
The oblast and city governments have made efforts to improve the business climate and foster small enterprise through various incentives and government programs designed to ease the bureaucratic red-tape, a notorious feature of Russian business life, and to generate cooperation within the business community. [18]
The bulk of industrial output, as of 2009, is concentrated in food and tobacco processing ($900 million), hydrocarbon processing ($6.7 billion), chemical manufacturing ($500 m), plastics manufacturing ($200 m) and the manufacture of electrical components ($280 m). The remainder of the economy is dominated by the retail sector and agriculture.
The largest industrial enterprises include the aerospace manufacturer Polyot , the Omsk Aggregate Plant, the agricultural manufacturer Sibzavod, Omsk Baranov Motorworks, and Omsktransmash , which manufactures the T-80 main battle tank. Additionally, Omsk Rubber, the Technical Hydrocarbon Plant, Omsk-Polymer and Omsk Hydrocarbon Processing Plant, represent the petroleum and hydrocarbon industry. Omsk Hydrocarbon is one of the most important oil refineries in Russia. [19]
The oblast operates four thermal power plants, which makes it largely self-sufficient from the standpoint of energy generation.
Agricultural production is concentrated in the Isil'rul'skii District and produces wheat, barley, flax, sunflower, potato, various fruits and vegetables as well as meat, poultry and dairy products.
The food processing sector includes several breweries, a distillery and numerous food packaging enterprises.
Year | ||
---|---|---|
1926 | 2,075,967 | — |
1959 | 1,645,017 | −20.8% |
1970 | 1,823,831 | +10.9% |
1979 | 1,954,663 | +7.2% |
1989 | 2,140,336 | +9.5% |
2002 | 2,079,220 | −2.9% |
2010 | 1,977,665 | −4.9% |
2021 | 1,858,798 | −6.0% |
Source: Census data |
Population : 1,858,798 ( 2021 Census ) ; [20] 1,977,665 ( 2010 Census ) ; [10] 2,079,220 ( 2002 Census ) ; [21] 2,140,336 ( 1989 Soviet census ) . [22]
Vital statistics for 2022: [23] [24]
Total fertility rate (2022): [25] 1.52 children per woman
Life expectancy (2021): [26] Total — 69.02 years (male — 64.48, female — 73.45)
According to the 2010 Census, the ethnic composition was: [10]
According to Russia's 2002 Census , Omsk Oblast has one of the lowest birth rates in Siberia. However, birth rates remain higher than the average in heavily German districts - Azovsky Nemetsky National District (24% German), Moskalensky, Poltavsky (22% Ukrainian & 11% German) and Isilkulsky (8% German), even as significant emigration to Germany acts to reduce the overall birth rate. [28] In 2009, the lowest death rate was recorded for Azovsky German National Raion (9.4 per 1000) and the highest birth rate was recorded for Moskalenskom (17.0 per 1000), Isilkulskom (15.2), Maryanovsky (15.8), Pavlogradski (15.8), Tevrizskom (16.6), Ust-Ishim (15.4) and Sherbakulskom (16.2). Regions with the highest population growth were Moskalensky area (5.5 ppm), Azovsky German National Raion (4.8 ppm), Sherbakulsky (3.8 ppm) and Pavlogradskij (3.2 ppm). [29]
(2007) | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1,130,000 | 11,857 | 15,599 | -3,742 | 10.5 | 13.8 | -0.33% | |
22,500 | 327 | 245 | 82 | 14.5 | 10.9 | 0.36% | |
32,400 | 393 | 519 | -126 | 12.1 | 16 | -0.39% | |
8,800 | 125 | 160 | -35 | 14.2 | 18.1 | -0.39% | |
Gorkovsky | 23,400 | 295 | 366 | -71 | 12.6 | 15.7 | -0.31% |
Znamensky | 13,400 | 195 | 213 | -18 | 14.6 | 15.9 | -0.13% |
Isilkulsky | 46,700 | 681 | 715 | -34 | 14.6 | 15.3 | -0.07% |
Kalachinsky | 44,700 | 506 | 754 | -248 | 11.3 | 16.9 | -0.56% |
Kolosovsky | 14,900 | 184 | 240 | -56 | 12.4 | 16.1 | -0.37% |
Kormilovsky | 25,800 | 352 | 447 | -95 | 13.6 | 17.3 | -0.37% |
Krutinsky | 20,000 | 248 | 343 | -95 | 12.4 | 17.1 | -0.47% |
Lyubinsky | 41,900 | 590 | 750 | -160 | 14.1 | 17.9 | -0.38% |
Maryanovsky | 27,300 | 423 | 444 | -21 | 15.5 | 16.3 | -0.08% |
Moskalensky | 32,200 | 505 | 460 | 45 | 15.7 | 14.3 | 0.14% |
Muromtsevsky | 26,100 | 271 | 542 | -271 | 10.4 | 20.8 | -1.04% |
Nazyvayevsky | 28,500 | 350 | 465 | -115 | 12.3 | 16.3 | -0.40% |
Nizhneomsky | 18,600 | 247 | 277 | -30 | 13.3 | 14.9 | -0.16% |
Novovarshavsky | 26,700 | 336 | 325 | 11 | 12.6 | 12.2 | 0.04% |
Odessky | 18,200 | 260 | 231 | 29 | 14.3 | 12.7 | 0.16% |
Okoneshnikovsky | 16,700 | 194 | 247 | -53 | 11.6 | 14.8 | -0.32% |
Omsky | 91,800 | 1,146 | 1,326 | -180 | 12.5 | 14.4 | -0.19% |
Pavlogradsky | 20,600 | 292 | 292 | 0 | 14.2 | 14.2 | 0.00% |
Poltavsky | 24,000 | 328 | 320 | 8 | 13.7 | 13.3 | 0.04% |
Russko-Polyansky | 22,800 | 314 | 344 | -30 | 13.7 | 15.1 | -0.14% |
Sargatsky | 21,800 | 279 | 364 | -85 | 12.8 | 16.7 | -0.39% |
Sedelnikovsky | 11,900 | 153 | 205 | -52 | 12.9 | 17.3 | -0.44% |
Tavrichesky | 39,200 | 519 | 579 | -60 | 13.2 | 14.8 | -0.16% |
Tarsky | 48,000 | 585 | 839 | -254 | 12.2 | 17.5 | -0.53% |
Tevrizsky | 17,200 | 270 | 305 | -35 | 15.6 | 17.7 | -0.21% |
Tyukalinsky | 29,500 | 357 | 472 | -115 | 12.1 | 16 | -0.39% |
Ust-Ishimsky | 15,200 | 192 | 289 | -97 | 12.6 | 18.9 | -0.63% |
Cherlaksky | 34,700 | 506 | 562 | -56 | 14.6 | 16.2 | -0.16% |
Sherbakulsky | 24,500 | 347 | 339 | 8 | 14.2 | 13.8 | 0.04% |
Ethnic Russian birth rate in the province is significantly lower than that of the ethnic Kazakhs (by 50%) and that of ethnic Germans (by 20%), according to the 2002 Census.
Religion in Omsk Oblast as of 2012 (Sreda Arena Atlas) | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
35.7% | ||||
0.5% | ||||
Other | 3.3% | |||
2.7% | ||||
and other native faiths | 0.6% | |||
39.1% | ||||
and | 13% | |||
Other and undeclared | 5.1% |
According to a 2012 survey [30] 35.7% of the population of Omsk Oblast adheres to the Russian Orthodox Church , 3% are unaffiliated generic Christians , 2% adheres to Islam , 1% to the Slavic native faith (Rodnovery), 0.5% to the Catholic Church . In addition, 39% of the population declares to be "spiritual but not religious", 13% is atheist , and 5.8% follows other religions or did not give an answer to the question. [30]
Omsk is the administrative center and largest city of Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is situated in southwestern Siberia and has a population of over 1.1 million. Omsk is the third largest city in Siberia after Novosibirsk and Krasnoyarsk, and the twelfth-largest city in Russia. It is an important transport node, serving as a train station for the Trans-Siberian Railway and as a staging post for the Irtysh River.
Tyumen Oblast is a federal subject of Russia. It is located in Western Siberia, and is administratively part of the Urals Federal District. The oblast has administrative jurisdiction over two autonomous okrugs: Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. Tyumen Oblast, including its autonomous okrugs, is the third-largest federal subject by area, and has a population of 3,395,755 (2010).
Tara is a town in Omsk Oblast, Russia, located at the confluence of the Tara and Irtysh Rivers at a point where the forested country merges into the steppe, about 300 kilometers (190 mi) north of Omsk, the administrative center of the oblast. Population: 27,318 (2010 Census) ; 26,888 (2002 Census) ; 26,152 (1989 Soviet census) .
Isilkul is a town in Omsk Oblast, Russia, located 120 kilometers (75 mi) west of Omsk, the administrative center of the oblast. Population: 24,482 (2010 Census) ; 26,549 (2002 Census) ; 26,430 (1989 Soviet census) .
Nazyvayevsk is a town in Omsk Oblast, Russia, located 120 kilometers (75 mi) west of Omsk, the administrative center of the oblast. As of the 2010 Census, its population was 11,615.
Kalachinsk is a town in Omsk Oblast, Russia, located on the Om River along the busiest segment of the Trans-Siberian Railway, 100 kilometers (62 mi) east of Omsk, the administrative center of the oblast. Population: 23,556 (2010 Census) ; 24,247 (2002 Census) ; 25,014 (1989 Soviet census) .
Tyukalinsk is a town in Omsk Oblast, Russia, located 60 kilometers (37 mi) northeast of the Nazyvayevsk railway station on the Trans-Siberian Railway and 120 kilometers (75 mi) northwest of Omsk, the administrative center of the oblast. Population: 11,275 (2010 Census) ; 12,007 (2002 Census) ; 12,191 (1989 Soviet census) .
Sherbakulsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the southwest of the oblast on the border with Kazakhstan. The area of the district is 2,300 square kilometers (890 sq mi). Its administrative center is the urban locality of Sherbakul. Population: 21,342 ; 25,486 (2002 Census) ; 29,906 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Sherbakul accounts for 32.7% of the district's total population.
Sedelnikovsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the east of the oblast. The area of the district is 5,200 square kilometers (2,000 sq mi). Its administrative center is the rural locality of Sedelnikovo. Population: 10,943 ; 12,211 (2002 Census) ; 12,890 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Sedelnikovo accounts for 48.6% of the district's total population.
Azovsky Nemetsky National District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the south of the oblast. The area of the district is 1,400 square kilometers (540 sq mi). Its administrative center is the rural locality of Azovo. In the Russian Census of 2010, the population was 22,925. The population of Azovo accounts for 26.2% of the district's total population.
Isilkulsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the southwest of the oblast. The area of the district is 2,800 square kilometers (1,100 sq mi). Its administrative center is the town of Isilkul. Population: 18,942 ; 22,216 (2002 Census) ; 22,691 (1989 Soviet census) .
Lyubinsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the southwestern central part of the oblast. The area of the district is 3,300 square kilometers (1,300 sq mi). Its administrative center is the urban locality of Lyubinsky. Population: 37,735 ; 42,123 (2002 Census) ; 44,283 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of the administrative center accounts for 27.1% of the district's total population.
Maryanovsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the southwest of the oblast. The area of the district is 1,700 square kilometers (660 sq mi). Its administrative center is the urban locality of Maryanovka. Population: 27,595 ; 27,802 (2002 Census) ; 30,173 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Maryanovka accounts for 31.3% of the district's total population.
Omsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the southern central part of the oblast. The area of the district is 3,600 square kilometers (1,400 sq mi). Its administrative center is the rural locality of Rostovka. Population: 94,086 ; 94,251 (2002 Census) ; 90,461 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Rostovka accounts for 5.8% of the district's total population.
Tevrizsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the north of the oblast. The area of the district is 9,800 square kilometers (3,800 sq mi). Its administrative center is the urban locality of Tevriz. Population: 15,485 ; 18,090 (2002 Census) ; 20,249 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Tevriz accounts for 45.1% of the district's total population.
Ust-Ishimsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the northwest of the oblast. The area of the district is 7,846 square kilometers (3,029 sq mi).} Its administrative center is the rural locality of Ust-Ishim, which, as its name indicates, is located at the confluence of the Ishim River with the Irtysh.
Znamensky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the thirty-two in Omsk Oblast, Russia. It is located in the north of the oblast. The area of the district is 3,700 square kilometers (1,400 sq mi). Its administrative center is the rural locality of Znamenskoye. Population: 12,427 ; 13,876 (2002 Census) ; 15,046 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Znamenskoye accounts for 42.6% of the district's total population.
Abatsky District is an administrative district (raion), one of the twenty-two in Tyumen Oblast, Russia. As a municipal division, it is incorporated as Abatsky Municipal District . It is located in the southeast of the oblast. The area of the district is 4,080 square kilometers (1,580 sq mi). Its administrative center is the rural locality of Abatskoye. Population: 19,837 ; 23,566 (2002 Census) ; 26,453 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Abatskoye accounts for 40.1% of the district's total population.
Azovo is a rural locality and the administrative center of Azovsky Nemetsky National District of Omsk Oblast, Russia. Population: 5,997 (2010 Census) ; 5,376 (2002 Census) ;
Ust-Ishim is a rural locality and the administrative center of Ust-Ishimsky District, Omsk Oblast, Russia. Population: 4,802 (2010 Census) ; 5,060 (2002 Census) ; 5,795 (1989 Soviet census) .
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IMAGES
VIDEO
COMMENTS
Quality of Work and Job Satisfaction Raymond C. (1988), Shifting work: Sleep cycles are on the way to becoming another public health issue , Journal of the American Medical Association, 259, 20 ...
She is currently involved in several European-funded research projects on the impact of technology on work, convergence in job quality in the EU, and measuring outcomes from active labour market policies for the long-term unemployed. Her doctoral thesis investigated job quality in Australia.
job-search quality as promising constructs for future research, as these predicted both quantitative employment success outcomes and employment quality. Based on the results of the theoretical and quantitative synthesis, we map out an agenda for future research. Keywords: job search, self-regulation, meta-analysis, unemployment, turnover
EMPLOYEE ENGAGEMENT AND BURNOUT: A QUANTITATIVE STUDY OF THEIR CORRELATIONS WITH . JOB/ORGANIZATIONAL SATISFACTION . by . Sarah Rachel Burnett . A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment
In this dissertation, I examine another important aspect of employment: job quality. In the U.S. policy context, the primary way that individuals and families access critical benefits such as medical insurance and paid time off is through employers - thus, I use term "employer-provided benefits" interchangeably with "job quality."
Job quality is important: there is a substantial evidence base which illustrates the potential risks of poor quality work. These arise from the occurrence of accidents and disease due to unmanaged hazards, as well as from psychosocial factors such as poor pay and security, shift working or the combination of low control and high demands. There is also a body of evidence which demonstrates a ...
Our findings identify job-search self-regulation and job-search quality as promising constructs for future research, as these predicted both quantitative employment success outcomes and employment ...
Abstract Women often face trade-offs in fulfilling both employment and household responsibilities. One indicator of this is commute time, a compromise between the stresses of longer work journeys and potentially expanded job options. Women spend less time commuting than men and thus may have fewer work opportunities. While prior research finds a link between commute time and women's ...
In this master thesis I examine the relationship between employees' perceptions of their job quality, organizational commitment, training and their level of job satisfaction with specific facets. These include satisfaction with achievement, pay, influence and work itself.
Validation of alternative and comparable human-centred measures of job quality (JQ) is needed. This study aims to evaluate the validity of a multi-dimensional measure of JQ in developing countries, and its usefulness against narrow indicators of formality/informality. To this end, Sen's capability-approach is used along with Green and Mostafa ...
In this paper we review some of the most essential literature on the concept and measurement of quality of work. We show that different academic fields have conceptualized quality of work in distinct ways however there has been a convergence in the positions. Although there is a lack of coherent measures or indicators, the utility a multi-dimensional approach, including both monetary and non ...
The importance of job satisfaction specially emerges to surface if had in mind the many negative consequences of job dissatisfaction such a lack of loyalty, increased absenteeism, increase number of accidents etc. (Aziri, 2011). Job satisfaction has significant effect on organizational measures, such as customer satisfaction and financial measures.
Women often face trade-offs in fulfilling both employment and household responsibilities. One indicator of this is commute time, a compromise between the stresses of longer work journeys and potentially expanded job options. Women spend less time commuting than men and thus may have fewer work opportunities. While prior research finds a link between commute time and women's disproportionate ...
This, the fifth annual European Jobs Monitor report, looks at 2011 Q2-2015 Q2 employment shifts at Member State and aggregate EU level. A 'jobs-based' approach is used to describe employment shifts quantitatively (how many jobs were created or destroyed) and qualitatively (what kinds of jobs).
INTRODUCTION. he term QWL (Quality of work life) w as introduced in the late 1960s as a way of focusing on the effects of employment on health and general well-being. and ways to enhance the ...
This paper proposes a methodology for measuring Quality of Employment (QoE) deprivation from a multidimensional perspective in six Central American countries (Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama) using a dataset specifically designed to measure employment conditions.
To do this, the study demarcates who is completing gig work and examines why they are completing it. Next, the project considers job quality through two lenses: a platform perspective and a worker perspective. In examining job quality from both these angles, it tries to answer the question: is gig work a good or a bad job?
Job insecurity was the highest for correctional officers and employees of a university of technology, and the lowest for engineers. Recommendations for future research were made. Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.
List of dissertations / theses on the topic 'Job quality'. Scholarly publications with full text pdf download. Related research topic ideas.
Explore the details of a Associate Quality Control Bioassays career in Thousand Oaks. Live. Win. Thrive. Search and apply for a rewarding new career at Amgen. ... We will ensure that individuals with disabilities are provided reasonable accommodation to participate in the job application or interview process, to perform essential job functions ...
If you need a reasonable accommodation to assist with your job search or application for employment, email us [email protected] or call us at 800-865-7580. In your email, please include a description of the specific accommodation you are requesting as well as the job title and requisition number of the position for which you are ...
Omsk (/ ˈ ɒ m s k /; Russian: Омск, IPA:) is the administrative center and largest city of Omsk Oblast, Russia.It is situated in southwestern Siberia and has a population of over 1.1 million. Omsk is the third largest city in Siberia after Novosibirsk and Krasnoyarsk, and the twelfth-largest city in Russia. [12] It is an important transport node, serving as a train station for the Trans ...
"Saab's transformative investment in Grayling will create 70 jobs and contribute to Michigan's proud legacy and leadership in the defense industry," said Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer. "We will continue pursuing our comprehensive economic development strategy to secure projects, invest in people, and uplift places across Michigan.
Boeing factory workers felt pressured to prioritize production speed over quality and said they did not receive enough training to properly perform their jobs, according to the results of a ...
Omsk, officially the Siberian Black League, is a warlord state in Western Siberia. Occupying the territory of the former Omsk Oblast, it borders Tomsk to the north, the Kazakh SSR to the south, Tyumen to the east, and Novosibirsk to the west. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the city of Omsk, initially held by the West Siberian People's Republic, was seized by a league of ...
In 1949, Soviet authorities approved the decision to construct a new oil refinery near the city of Omsk. [4] This refinery first started operations on 6 September 1955, [5] and began processing gasoline by 1959. [6] It was subordinate to the Ministry of Oil Industry from 1951 to June 1957, then to the Omsk Sovnarkhoz's Oil Industry Directorate from July 1957 to 1962.
Omsk Oblast (Russian: О́мская о́бласть, romanized: Omskaya oblast' ) is a federal subject of Russia (an oblast), located in southwestern Siberia. The oblast has an area of 139,700 square kilometers (53,900 sq mi). Its population is 1,977,665 (2010 Census) with the majority, 1.12 million, living in O